Israel-Iran War: Does Israel Stand Alone?

Since October 2023, Israel has been using military force to further destabilize the Middle East, claiming to be engaged on seven fronts—actions that violate the principles of its own military doctrine. Was Israel genuinely under threat, as it claims, or was it the one threatening the region’s security and stability? And if it is acting as it asserts, is it doing so independently of the superpower, or is it fighting alone?

On June 16, 2025, Israeli Channel KAN published a report on its official broadcast and on its social media platforms (Facebook and X), stating: “It is true that the airspace is closed due to the escalation with Iran, but behind the scenes, planes continue to arrive here loaded with munitions. American munitions, including heavy bombs and bunker-busting bombs, arrive from American bases in both Europe and the US. The Americans, for their part, are not participating in our attacks, but behind the scenes, they support us through defense systems like THAAD, providing us with munitions to continue the war as long as necessary.”

At the same time, US officials declare that they have not intervened in the ongoing war between Israel and Iran, but are interested in bringing it to an end. The question that must be asked is: Are the US and certain European countries not already involved in this war on Israel’s behalf? Is Israel truly fighting Iran alone, without any aid or support for its expanded military campaign? Has it crossed the airspace of at least four countries without logistical cover and support from US and European military bases already active in the region? Will Israel’s multi-layered air defense system intercept Iranian missiles without US assistance?

The answer to these questions seems self-evident. It is widely known that Israel maintains close historical and ongoing ties with the US and Western countries, particularly Britain. Nevertheless, some still accept the American narrative that Israel is not involved in this war. This article, therefore, seeks to challenge that narrative and offer a more realistic perspective on the current military landscape by addressing several key points, as outlined below.

First: The legal framework governing the US’ commitment to military assistance to Israel

There exists a host of military and defense agreements that reflect the alignment of political will and strategic interests between Israel and the US in the Middle East. This set can be briefly summarized as follows[1]:

1. The 1979 Memorandum of Understanding, which enabled Israeli military industries to participate in US Department of Defense tenders and to cooperate in research and development.
2. The 1981 Strategic Cooperation Agreement, which governs joint military training, the storage of US equipment in Israel, and the exchange of military technologies.
3. The 1983 Military Cooperation Agreement, which reactivated the 1981 agreement and introduced new provisions, including the use of Israeli bases by US forces.
4. The 1987 Memorandum of Cooperation, which included two agreements covering the exchange of defense information and collaboration in military research and development.
5. The 1992 agreement, established after the Gulf War, which linked Israel to the US early warning system, provided funding for missile defense programs, and expanded the storage of US weapons on Israeli soil.
6. The 1996 Memorandum of Understanding reaffirmed cooperation in counterterrorism, missile defense, and Israel’s right to access US stockpiles located in Israel during emergencies.
7. The 1998 Memorandum of Understanding confirmed the US’ unconditional support for Israel’s security, including a commitment to conduct US military strikes if Israel were attacked with unconventional weapons.
8. The 2001 Memorandum of Understanding increased US military aid to Israel to $4.2 billion annually.
9. The 2007–2017 Memorandum of Understanding provided $3 billion in annual military support over a ten-year period, amounting to a total of $30 billion.
10. The Memorandum of Understanding on Security Assistance between the US and Israel for the period 2019–2028 was signed on September 14, 2016, and came into effect in fiscal year 2019. The agreement allocates $38 billion over ten years—$33 billion in direct military assistance (Foreign Military Financing – FMF) and $5 billion for missile defense (specifically the Arrow 2 and 3 systems and the Iron Dome). The Memorandum of Understanding aims to enhance Israel’s qualitative military edge, ensure regional superiority, and strengthen both its defensive and offensive capabilities against regional threats, particularly from Iran and Hezbollah. The US stipulates that Israel may only request additional missile defense funding from Congress in emergency situations. Starting in 2028, all assistance must be spent exclusively on purchases from the US defense industry. Despite tensions between President Obama and Prime Minister Netanyahu over the Iran nuclear deal, the Memorandum of Understanding was signed as a continuation of the 2007 agreement.
11. An agreement to provide emergency funding for Iron Dome following the 2021 Gaza War. The US granted Israel $1 billion to replenish the system.
12. Congressional Pledges to Protect Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge, 2023. In response to the outbreak of the Gaza War in October 2023, the US Congress pledged to increase Israel’s military stockpiles, support the delivery of F-35 fighter jets, and strengthen cooperation in the defense industry.
13. An agreement to expand Israel’s emergency military stockpiles, 2024. The agreement increased the US stockpile in Israel to include heavy equipment and precision munitions, granting the Israeli military immediate access in emergency situations. The value of the agreement is estimated at no less than %0.5 billion.
14. The 2024 Memorandum of Understanding on the Implementation of Joint Military Artificial Intelligence Programs aims to develop shared algorithms for drone navigation, precision targeting, and border surveillance, with joint funding provided by the defense departments of both countries.
15. A bill introduced in the US House of Representatives on February 12, 2025—H.R. 1229, the US–Israel Defense Partnership Act—proposes the establishment of a broader security partnership. It includes cooperation on unmanned systems (drones and missiles), the transfer of advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence, cyber defense, and directed energy, as well as the prevention of ballistic missile attacks through integrated multi-layered American and Israeli capabilities. The bill also calls for the extension of the US military emergency stockpile in Israel through 2029, the creation of a US Defense Innovation Unit in Israel, and the expansion of joint air and missile defense cooperation[2].
16. The Expanded Strategic Security Memorandum (February 2025) forms part of President Trump’s strategy at the beginning of his second term to revive the “maximum pressure” policy against Iran[3]. It calls for enhanced security coordination and a planned military response to address the Iranian nuclear program and shifts in Tehran’s behavior—particularly in light of Iranian missile attacks on Israel in April 2024 and afterward. The key elements of the memorandum include:
17. Reaffirming mutual deterrence, through a joint US–Israeli commitment to respond immediately to any Iranian missile or nuclear attack, supported by joint operations centers and coordinated air defense using US Patriot, THAAD, and F-35 systems.
18. Expanding logistical stockpiling by allocating $500 million to enhance US reserves in Israel—including ammunition, equipment, and air defense systems—for emergency deployment during periods of heightened conflict.
19. Expanding intelligence cooperation between the CIA and Mossad, with a focus on technical integration, such as linking Israeli sensor data with US naval platforms to detect and counter advanced Iranian attacks against Israel.

The strategic military cooperation and alliance between Israel and the US is certainly not confined to the legal and political commitments outlined above. It extends across dozens of domains, far too numerous to detail fully here. However, a few illustrative examples from the period 2023–2025 may be cited:

• In 2023, the largest Juniper Oak exercise in history was conducted, involving 6,400 American and 1,500 Israeli soldiers, alongside aircraft carriers and missile systems, including HIMARS[4].
• On October 13–14, 2024, the US deployed a THAAD missile defense battery along with approximately 100 American soldiers to Israel in response to Iranian attacks at the time, reinforcing Israel’s air defenses. Subsequently, Israel employed the system in joint force training exercises—a rare move that underscores the depth of bilateral military cooperation.
• In early March 2025, the Israeli and US air forces held a joint air exercise over the Mediterranean Sea. The drill involved Israeli F-35 and F-15 fighter jets operating alongside a US B-52 strategic bomber, aiming to enhance operational coordination against regional threats, particularly those posed by Iran. This exercise delivered a strong deterrent message to Tehran and further highlighted the level of military integration with US Central Command (CENTCOM) in the region.[5]

The scale of US military aid to Israel during the first Trump administration and into his second term has averaged approximately $4.0 billion annually in regular years (2017–2022). During crisis years, the figures were significantly higher: $4.8 billion in 2021, $17.9 billion in 2023, $22 billion in 2024, and an estimated $6.5 billion in the first half of 2025.[6]

The Israeli military arsenal remains heavily reliant on US support—an interdependence that, by its very nature, constitutes American participation in the wars Israel undertakes, irrespective of the legitimacy or legality of those conflicts, or their violations of international and humanitarian law. While some may argue that this level of support does not necessarily equate to direct US involvement in the ongoing Israeli war with Iran, this possibility will be examined in the following sections.

Second: US Interests in the Israeli War on Iran

The US views preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon as a strategic priority in the Middle East, primarily to ensure Israel’s security, avert a regional nuclear arms race, and preserve a relative balance among the active regional powers. This interest was clearly reflected during the first session of the 118th US Congress, when the House of Representatives passed Resolution 559 on June 27, 2023. The resolution included a declaration stating that it is the policy of the US to consider a nuclear-armed Islamic Republic of Iran unacceptable.

Members of Congress justified the resolution by asserting that a nuclear-armed Iran would pose an intolerable threat to regional and global security. They noted that Iran continues to enrich and stockpile uranium at levels far exceeding the limits established by UN Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015). The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) confirmed in May 2023 that Iran was enriching uranium to 60% purity. Accordingly, the resolution affirmed that Iran must never be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon under any circumstances, and that the US must employ all necessary means to prevent this outcome. It also underscored the need to support the freedom of action of allies and partners—including Israel—to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon[7].

The significance of this resolution lies in its unequivocal articulation of the US position, which categorically rejects any possibility of Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. The legislative branch, representing the will of the American people, clearly expresses its approval of all measures necessary to achieve this goal.

This resolution alone did not constitute US approval of Israel’s attack on Iran on June 13, 2025. However, several indicators can be considered strong evidence of US involvement in the planning—and possibly even the timing—of the attack.

Chief among these indicators are:

1. The approaching expiration of UN Security Council Resolution 2231 of 2015. Adopted unanimously on July 20, 2015, the resolution endorsed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), concluded on July 14, 2015, between Iran, the P5+1 countries (the US, the United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, and Germany), and the European Commission. The resolution affirmed that implementing the agreed terms would strengthen confidence that Iran’s nuclear program was exclusively for peaceful purposes.[8] As a result of the JCPOA’s implementation, most earlier sanctions resolutions (1696, 1737, 1747, 1803, 1835, and 1929) were terminated effective January 16, 2016.

Although some sanctions were lifted, the resolution maintained a conventional arms embargo on Iran for five years and a ban on the transfer of ballistic missile technology capable of carrying nuclear warheads for eight years. The resolution’s full effect is set to expire after ten years—i.e., in October 2025—unless sanctions are reimposed in response to an Iranian breach. The resolution mandated the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to monitor Iran’s compliance and submit periodic reports to the Security Council. ^[9]

It also established a “snapback” mechanism, allowing any of the signatory states (the P5+1) to notify the Security Council of a “material breach” by Iran, thereby triggering the reimposition of sanctions. The US previously attempted to invoke this mechanism after its withdrawal from the agreement.

In summary, Resolution 2231 plays a pivotal role in the international framework governing Iran’s nuclear program. Its full expiration on October 18, 2025—if the snapback mechanism is not activated—would allow Iran greater freedom to develop its nuclear and deterrent capabilities. The US finds this scenario intolerable, particularly in light of stalled negotiations with Iran, which Washington views as a tactic of delay and evasion. Therefore, the neutralization—or at least the weakening—of Iran’s nuclear capabilities must be achieved before the resolution’s expiration.

• Recent official reports have indicated Iran’s growing nuclear capabilities. According to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) data released in late May 2025, the Natanz reactor holds critical importance due to its role in producing highly enriched uranium hexafluoride (HEU) at 60% purity. The facility houses more than 1,700 advanced centrifuges, including hundreds of IR-6, IR-4, and IR-2m models, and hosts ongoing research and development activities for newer generations of centrifuges. Following the IAEA report, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom submitted a resolution affirming that Iran continues to fail to meet its obligations to disclose work related to the enrichment of material capable of producing nuclear weapons. The US-based Institute for Science and International Security also released a report on June 9, 2025, stating that Iran could convert its existing stockpile of 60% enriched uranium at the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant into 233 kilograms of weapons-grade uranium within three weeks—enough to produce nine nuclear weapons, given that 25 kilograms are required to make one.[10]
• Official Israeli statements—by the Israeli envoy to the United Nations and a correspondent for Israeli Army Radio—indicate that Israel received intelligence on June 12, as part of its cooperation with the US and other countries, suggesting that Iran had established a “weapons complex” in the months following its October 7, 2023, attack on Israel and had been conducting “successful tests on components” of a nuclear weapon.
• Israel’s objectives in the current war align closely with US objectives concerning Iran—namely, to undermine Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. This is demonstrated by the list of targets Israel struck in the first two days of the conflict and the assassinations of nuclear scientists and military leaders. Among the targeted industrial facilities was Shiraz Electronics Industries, which has been on the US sanctions list since 2008. Israel’s publicly declared targets deep within Iranian territory are entirely consistent with these objectives. These include the underground Imam Hassan base in Kermanshah, a primary depot for Quds and Paveh cruise missiles and medium-range ballistic missiles with ranges of up to 1,500 kilometers.

President Trump’s numerous statements since June 13, 2025, reflect a division of roles between Israel and the US aimed at achieving shared objectives. Israeli officials have announced that the US was involved in the deception operation preceding the Israeli attack, in order to secure the element of surprise and disorient Iran. Within this framework of role distribution, Israel appears to lead with advanced military capabilities, while being effectively supported on the ground by the US—albeit without public acknowledgment (as will be detailed in the next section). In this initial phase of the war, the US presents itself as a force for de-escalation and conflict resolution, exerting pressure on Iran to return to negotiations after Israel has removed Iran’s key bargaining chips.

Third: Direct American/Western Military Support for Israel

The US has not taken part in offensive operations inside Iran but provides Israel with a comprehensive defensive shield through a hybrid defense strategy. This includes naval deployments, advanced munitions, rear-line logistical support, the reinforcement of Israeli air and naval defense capabilities, intelligence cooperation, and increased military supplies—rendering the conflict asymmetric. Additionally, the implicit threat of direct American intervention, if necessary, serves as a real deterrent to Iran, regardless of the media or political rhetoric of Iranian officials.

Among the most prominent US military contributions to Israel since the launch of operations against Iran on June 13, 2025, and up to the time of writing are the following[11]:

1. Air Defense Support:
   The US is assisting in intercepting Iranian missile attacks. According to statements made by US officials to Reuters, American air defense systems and a Navy destroyer supported Israel in shooting down ballistic missiles launched by Tehran on June 13 in response to Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. The US has also deployed defense systems such as Patriot and THAAD from bases across the Middle East. In addition, US naval assets—such as destroyers positioned in the eastern Mediterranean—have intercepted Iranian ballistic missiles headed toward Israeli territory.
2. Redeployment of Military Assets:
   The US is repositioning military resources, including naval vessels, in response to Iranian strikes on Israeli cities. US officials confirmed that the Navy has directed the USS Thomas Hudner, a ballistic missile defense destroyer, to sail from the western Mediterranean toward the eastern Mediterranean. This destroyer has launched interceptor missiles against more than 370 ballistic missiles fired from Iran since the beginning of the operation. The USS Arleigh Burke has also been ordered to reposition so it can be made available should the White House decide to activate it. These destroyers are equipped with the Aegis Combat System and are capable of launching Standard Missile 2 (SM-2) and SM-3 interceptors to engage upper-stage ballistic missiles, as well as using Mk-45 Close-In Weapon Systems (CIWS) to counter short-range threats such as Iranian drones.
3. Deployment of Carriers and Destroyers:
   The USS Nimitz, one of the US’ oldest nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, was en route to Vietnam in late May 2025 but was abruptly diverted on June 16, 2025, to the Arabian Gulf to support operations against Iran. This resulted in the simultaneous presence of two American aircraft carriers in the region—an uncommon move that signals strategic escalation. The USS Carl Vinson has been stationed in the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Aden since April 2025, previously involved in confrontations with the Houthis and in securing shipping lanes. This dual carrier presence significantly enhances US deterrence capabilities and provides robust air and strategic coverage in the Middle East. The deployment is also linked to the bolstering of US naval forces in the Red Sea, where armored ships have been positioned to intercept missiles and drones in an effort to counter Houthi attacks on Israel, as part of Operation Prosperity Guardian.
4. Air Support for Israel:
   US fighter jets are patrolling Middle Eastern airspace to safeguard American personnel and facilities, while regional air bases have implemented heightened security measures. At a different operational level, shortly before Israel’s strike on Iran at 5:00 a.m. on June 13, aircraft tracking data from Flightradar24 recorded US and British military aircraft departing from Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar toward Europe, avoiding Iraqi and Syrian airspace—even though the attack had not yet begun. During the Israeli assault on Iran, other military aircraft were also active, either taking off from or returning to Al Udeid. These aircraft shared a common function: conducting reconnaissance, intelligence gathering, or aerial refueling missions.

The first aircraft to leave Al Udeid was a British Royal Air Force Boeing RC-135W Rivet Joint. The RC-135W Rivet Joint is a sophisticated electronic reconnaissance and surveillance aircraft used by both the US and British air forces to collect electronic intelligence and monitor the electromagnetic spectrum. Equipped with advanced sensors, it enables the crew to detect, locate, and analyze electronic signals, transmitting the information in real time to military and intelligence authorities.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer revealed that the United Kingdom had recently deployed Typhoon fighter jets to the Middle East, along with refueling aircraft, though it has not officially declared any direct support for Israel’s attack on Iran.

In addition to these intelligence-focused aircraft, larger and more versatile planes have also been deployed—capable of performing multiple missions. Among them is the US Air Force’s Boeing KC-46A Pegasus, registration number 20-46076. This advanced, multi-role aerial refueling aircraft is used by the US Air Force for refueling, transport, and medical evacuation. On June 12, another American aircraft—a Boeing KC-135R Stratotanker—arrived at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar. This upgraded version of the KC-135 aerial refueling tanker is primarily used to refuel aircraft in flight. However, no radar activity was recorded from this aircraft on June 13, and it departed Al Udeid at dawn on June 14, heading back to the United Kingdom. In contrast to the aircraft that remained undetected on June 13, another American aircraft—a Boeing KC-46A Pegasus—suddenly reappeared in the skies near Iran, its transponder signal having previously been turned off. It was likely returning from a refueling mission.

• The US provides Israel with direct and real-time intelligence based on sensitive space- and satellite-based systems, as well as an advanced network of electronic surveillance and eavesdropping. This intelligence has enabled the identification of complex and heavily fortified Iranian targets, allowing Israel to carry out precision strikes on command centers, nuclear facilities, and air defense systems in and around Tehran.

Multiple reports indicate that American satellites track the timing and trajectories of Iranian missile launches, giving Israel the capability to respond immediately and direct its defenses with precision. This intelligence enhances ongoing air support, enabling the Israeli Air Force to conduct precisely timed strikes within tight spatial constraints, reinforcing Israel’s sense of control over Iranian airspace—particularly following strikes on Iranian airports.

Since June 13, 2025, the US has supplied Israel with advanced munitions, including JDAM kits, which convert unguided bombs into precision-guided weapons using GPS/INS technology. Thousands of JDAM kits have been transferred to enable accurate, cost-effective strikes. Additionally, Washington has supplied GBU-31 (2,000 lb) and GBU-32 (1,000 lb) bombs, as well as the BLU-109—a 2,000 lb bunker-busting, precision-guided bomb used against fortified targets in Iran. Israel has also received MK-84/82 heavy unguided bombs (approx. 500 lb), anti-aircraft launchers and batteries, and Tamir interceptor missiles. Support has also been extended to enhance the capabilities of the Arrow-3 system for intercepting ballistic missiles at higher altitudes. Furthermore, the US has recently provided Israel with Hellfire, AMRAAM, and SPICE missiles. These munitions enable Israel to carry out high-precision strikes within Iran, limit civilian casualties, neutralize fortified positions effectively, and maintain a robust deterrent and defense posture against Iranian missile threats.

In conclusion:

The strategic relationship and close ties between Israel and the US affirm America’s full partnership in Israel’s war against Iran. The swift declarations by European countries affirming Israel’s right to self-defense—despite Israel having initiated the attack—further underscore the West’s unequivocal bias in favor of Israel. Israel has never stood alone in the Middle East. It was forcibly implanted in the region by Britain, beginning with the Balfour Declaration in 1917, and arguably even earlier. Since 1956, the US has consistently supported Israel with aid, backing, and protection. This support deters other major powers from criticizing Israel or assisting its adversaries, out of concern for provoking an American response.

There is little point in questioning whether the US is directly involved in this war—it is already present, actively pursuing its strategic interests in the Middle East. Since October 2023, it has relied on Israel to help reshape the regional order, a process that has accelerated with the return of the Trump administration and its relentless pursuit of deals aimed at resolving America’s own crises at the expense of others in the Middle East and beyond.

[1] These documents were referred to on the following official websites:

• US Department of State. Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) Between the US and Israel (2016–2028).
  https://www.state.gov/u-s-security-cooperation-with-israel
• Congressional Research Service (CRS). US Foreign Aid to Israel: FY2023 Appropriations. Updated May 2023.
  https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RL/RL33222
• US Congress. H.R.5323 – Iron Dome Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2022.
  https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/5323
• US Government Accountability Office (GAO). Defense Cooperation: Documentation of US Government Support to Israel (2010–2023).
  https://www.gao.gov/products/gao-23-105179
• White House Archives (Obama Administration). Fact Sheet: Memorandum of Understanding Between the US and Israel, 2016.
  https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/09/14/fact-sheet-mou
• US Department of State) https://www.state.gov
• US Department of Defense) https://www.defense.gov
• https://www.archives.gov

^[2] https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/1229.com 

[3] Ibid.

[4] David Vergun, “Largest US-Israeli Exercise in History Concludes”, DOD News, Jan. 26, 2023.

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3279772/largest-us-israeli-exercise-in-history-concludes

[5] https://www.israelhayom.com/2025/03/06/message-for-iran-israeli-us-air-forces-complete-joint-strategic-drill/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[6] US Foreign Aid to Israel (CRS Report for Congress), on: https://www.legistorm.com/reports/view/crs/340871/U_S_Foreign_Aid_to_Israel.html.com and: 

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/article/2024/may/09/does-israel-need-more-us-arms-for-a-rafah-offensive.com

[7] H.Res.559 – Declaring it is the policy of the US that a nuclear Islamic Republic of Iran is not acceptable. 118th Congress (2023-2024).

https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-resolution/559#:~:text=559%20%2D%20Declaring%20it%20is%20the,118th%20Congress%20(2023%2D2024)

[8] Resolution 2231 (2015) on Iran Nuclear Issue: https://main.un.org/securitycouncil/en/content/2231/background.com

[9] Kelsey Davenport, Director for Nonproliferation Policy, “UN Security Council Resolutions on Iran”, Fact Sheets, Arms Control Association, February 2025.

https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/un-security-council-resolutions-iran.com

[10] Kelly Campa, Nidal Morrison, Ria Reddy and Annika Ganzeveld, “Iran Update Special Report, June 15, 2025”, Morning Edition, ISW (Institute for Study of War), Jun 15, 2025. 

https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/iran-update-special-report-june-15-2025-morning-edition

[11] Several sources were reviewed in this part, the most important of which are: https://www.businessinsider.com/navy-firepower-moved-near-middle-east-us-warships-defend-israel-2025-.com

https://apnews.com/article/iran-israel-strikes-us-troops-973bc18970689bac42d82342bd29f601

https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/israel-takes-control-of-irans-skiesa-feat-that-still-eludes-russia-in-ukraine-846ccb95?utm_source=chatgpt.com

https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/germanys-merz-backs-israeli-right-to-hits-iran-ups-protection-at-jewish-sites/?__cf_chl_tk=wZLeEMZF6x1r17HMVDxXYS7uBCAK47COnIQLZdWFgqM-1750106000-1.0.1.1-OQJJ4j1GbRUCL.wfh1U4u9RUz3A53ta_l3D3wB_b0xA