Has the international community, including its institutions and leaders, exhausted all possible avenues to prevent the Israeli genocide in Gaza? Will Egypt continue to shoulder the primary responsibility for resolving the crisis while the rest of the world remains content with observing and condemning?
I have been pondering these two questions for a while and hope they will not cause any discomfort to anyone. The enormity of the unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe, in which more than two million Palestinians find themselves between a rock and a hard place, is what motivates me to ask these questions.
Now, over seven months after the onset of the war, I feel obligated to evaluate the preceding period; I will merely highlight a few facts:
- Egypt is the country most impacted by this conflict and has made every conceivable effort to resolve the crisis. This included presenting a comprehensive plan that served as the foundation for negotiations among all involved parties, as well as providing the majority of humanitarian assistance to the Strip, which accounts for over 75% of the total aid.
- Egypt was eager for the recent intensive negotiations in Cairo to achieve a humanitarian ceasefire that would facilitate a comprehensive resolution, encompassing the finalization of a prisoner exchange agreement, cessation of military operations, initiating reconstruction efforts, and subsequently enabling the resumption of the peace process.
- The negotiating parties’ positions demonstrated a lack of determination to surmount the perilous circumstances of the crisis. I believe that the failure to achieve the intended ceasefire was primarily attributable to narrow agendas.
- Netanyahu is acting in line with the policies of an extremist government that will stop at nothing to maintain its hold on power, even if it means completely destroying the Gaza Strip.
- The inhabitants of Gaza bear the brunt of the consequences of this conflict, enduring severe forms of collective punishment such as displacement, destruction, casualties, and famine.
- The war continued unabated despite all US pressures, and Netanyahu still has the ability to challenge President Biden out of his conviction that Washington will refrain from applying further pressure due to the upcoming presidential election.
- Egypt –with its refusal to divide the Gaza Strip from the West Bank the day after the war– is the principal bulwark against attempts to liquidate the Palestinian cause. Egypt recognizes the importance of granting the legitimate Palestinian Authority the primary responsibility for the administration and governance of the Gaza Strip. This should be done in collaboration with Hamas and other factions, ensuring that the agreed-upon Palestinian government assumes control over Gaza rather than Hamas alone.
Evidently, Netanyahu is now the sole man in Tel Aviv with decision-making power, and he uses it anyway he wants. He remains indifferent to both internal and external pressures and is determined to persist with the operations until their completion. Most recently, these operations have expanded to the eastern region of the Palestinian city of Rafah before the Israeli forces took control of the Palestinian Rafah crossing and deployed some forces to a section of the Philadelphi Corridor, which is entirely situated within the Palestinian territories.
Israel’s move into the eastern Rafah area is obviously part of a larger plan that it wants to carry out in the Palestinian city of Rafah to destroy any remaining military capabilities that Hamas may have, as it claims. However, it will carry out this entire plan when it thinks it is appropriate. This is especially true in light of the local population’s evacuation, which has started to progressively move towards the center in order to flee the agony of starvation and death.
As we discuss the recent events and the Israeli army’s presence in the Rafah area close to the Egyptian border, there are two main points that I must bring up. First, Israel is cognizant that Egypt will not make concessions when it comes to safeguarding its national security, and any violation of Egyptian territory will be met with a fitting retaliation. Second, Egypt remains steadfast in its adherence to all the stipulations of the peace treaty that was ratified 45 years ago, following our victory in October 1973 and Cairo views these provisions as mutually beneficial for both parties involved. Therefore, we insist that Israel, in exchange, adhere to all of its obligations outlined in the treaty and refrain from breaching any of its provisions.
How and when the war will come to an end are valid questions. While it is challenging to answer these questions, I believe there is potential for making progress, albeit limited, in the present circumstances, if we take into consideration the responsibilities of the following four parties:
- Egypt: Cairo must not let these hard efforts to be for naught and must pick them back up in the days to come. Negotiation stumbling is common. Though we acknowledge and value the work of all the involved parties, we can say with certainty that Egypt is essential to the success of any endeavor. There is no problem with suggesting fresh ideas that might help facilitate a shift from the current tense situation. This may involve, for example, reaching an initial agreement on a temporary ceasefire and putting it into practice on the ground; subsequent to this, the negotiations will proceed in consideration of the ongoing temporary ceasefire.
- Israel: Tel Aviv should immediately cease the Rafah operation and the campaign of annihilation, and instead, provide an opportunity to reach a mutually agreeable resolution by relinquishing its extremist stances. This is the sole means by which the hostages in Gaza can be safely returned.
- Hamas: Hamas should make courageous decisions that prevent the daily massacres that expose over two million defenseless citizens to a catastrophic humanitarian crisis. Such decisions elevate the resistance’s standing rather than diminish it.
- The United States: Washington should continue to persistently exert pressure on Netanyahu and not relinquish its role, in the hope that it will produce favorable outcomes in the future.
