I still wonder – in good faith – why the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories persists. Many observers of the cause will see it is naïve to raise this question five decades after the occupation had taken place and many events, on the national, regional, and international levels have occurred. After all these years, Israel’s fait accompli policy was imposed, and everyone came to address the Palestinian cause on the basis of “conflict management” rather than “conflict resolution”.
Unquestionably, the continued disregard for the Palestinian cause and dealing with it exclusively in view of statements that support positions or denounce policies and initiatives that either proved unsuccessful, weren’t implemented, or didn’t see the light, encourage Israel to continue its occupation and step up the pace of settlement construction on Palestinian territory that weren’t, isn’t, and will never be their right. Notably, negotiations will be the only way to finalize the borders of both states.
Highlighting the Palestinian cause and bringing it to the fore from time to time, even if only in some articles touching on some events that unfold in the Palestinian areas, whether in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, or the Gaza Strip may be acceptable, but what is required considerably goes beyond this. All possible efforts need to be consolidated at all levels so that this pivotal Arab issue remains a sacred lively one so that we can reach the political solutions that give the Palestinians all their legitimate rights and grant Israel security, a requirement that will certainly not be complete without the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
While the current situation is witnessing considerable tension given Israel’s intention to organize the so-called flag march on 29 May, a march that will be organized by extremists and settlers under the approval and support of the Israeli government and is expected to penetrate neighborhoods of East Jerusalem to reach the Al-Buraq Wall, I believe this dangerous march isn’t but a limited measure within a larger strategy through which Israel intends to impose more sovereignty not only on East Jerusalem but on the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, first of the two qiblas (Muslims prayer direction) and the third holiest site in Islam. And here lies the danger of the gradual Israeli measures.
I believe there is a need to shift the attention from this march –although it requires necessary and urgent attention– to focus on a greater Palestinian, Arab, Islamic, and international action that looks into all aspects of the Palestinian cause, not allowing the fireball to roll until it explodes, a phase that I see coming –even if it comes late– given the continued abuse by Israel and its arbitrary measures against the Palestinians, including killing, arrests, acts of hostility against holy places, blind settlement, and stirring up feelings of hatred, revenge, and loss of hope for the future.
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I want to ask the current Israeli leadership many questions, but I will suffice by six for the time being:
Question one: Is the cycle of violence currently taking place in the Palestinian territories, which is expected to increase during the next stage, and the ensuing losses and victims on both sides, considered satisfactory, acceptable, and desirable by the Israeli leadership and members of the government?
Question two: Is the Naftali Bennett government seeking to normalize and maintain peace with the Arabs, except the Palestinians who are entitled to this peace?
Question three: Does Israel believe that its peace accords with Arab countries are sufficient to safeguard its existence and interests in the region or that the Arab countries will draw a veil on this deteriorating situation in Jerusalem and the West Bank?
Question four: Does Israel think that the Palestinian people have accepted the status quo or coexist with the occupation of their lands and denial of their right to establish their independent state, or that this occupation will go forever?
Question five: Does Israel see that the next Palestinian leadership in the post-Abu Mazen era, will be better for them when it comes to politics and security or that any Palestinian national leader will give up any of the well-established Palestinian constants?
Question six: Is Israel wagering on the time factor to play in its favor, whether in the West Bank, Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, or even with regard to the situation of 1948-Palestinians?
In my view, the Israeli leadership is in desperate need to review its positions and policies and try to answer the previous questions, all of which are intended to prevent a terrible conflagration that could engulf the area at any time. Such conflagration will not be in the interest of any side. So, hopefully, the Israeli leadership would be honest with themselves just once, stay away from extremism and arrogance, and start thinking seriously about solving the Palestinian issue in a way that brings security and stability for all parties and the entire region through negotiations.
If Israel sees the Palestinian state –which the international community collectively endorses–as a threat to its security, then I call on the current Israeli leadership to put forward its official vision for solving the issue and securing its borders and clarify how the Palestinian state cannot be a source of threat to its existence. Resuming negotiations will certainly help articulate all the security guarantees, not only for Israel but for the Palestinian state as well. I hope that a new negotiating process is initiated and then let us see its outcomes.
Israel’s ongoing occupation, its storming of the Palestinian cities and camps, its killing, destruction of homes, and arrests that are without any oversight or control will not continue forever, which requires the Israeli leadership to think seriously on how to stop all these practices and how the political negotiations can be initiated in order to resolve the Palestinian cause. In this vein, Israel should abandon the idea of stabilizing the status quo and should not be content with the normalization accords it signed with Arab countries, as history will inevitably do justice to the Palestinians and they will have their independent state, no matter how long the Israeli occupation lasts.
Whereas I call on the Israeli leadership to review its positions, I call on the Palestinian leadership to take more regional and international action to put pressure on Israel, even if this prove to be of no avail. At least this will make the Arab countries and the international community realize that Palestinian leadership will not abandon the Palestinian cause that will remain one of the major focal points of its political movements. The Palestinian leadership must delivers a clear message to the world that it is in the process of putting the Palestinian house in order as much as possible, through resumption of reconciliation efforts (which I see difficult). Overall, the Palestinian movement should continue and the firebrand of the post-Shireen Abu Akleh movement shouldn’t ease up.
Arguably, Israel will be primarily responsible for any escalation on the Palestinian territories or even within Israel, given its hardline policies in the Palestinian areas, especially towards Al-Aqsa Mosque and its disregard for all decisions, laws, and agreements, caring only about its interests and goals.
In short, whether the flag march is organized or not and whether its route was altered or not, the successive Israeli governments, including the fragile Bennett government, never stop adding fuel to oil, failing to realize that they can’t stand in the face of the judgement of history and that they can’t prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state that will ultimately be founded no matter how long the Israeli occupation persists. I hope that the right Israeli decision is made early on as it will save all parties more victims and problems, which will not be in the interest of anyone, enabling restoration of security and stability in the region.
This article was originally published in Arabic on 27 May 2020.
